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数日前、江藤慎一死去の報あり。♫ 江藤監督、あのファイト
じんとくるんだ泣けるんだ
加藤、田中に、東尾が
投げる魔球だ、火の玉だ……
「ぼくらの憧れライオンズ」
江藤と言えば、東京スタジアムを本拠地にしていたロッテ・オリオンズだった。中日時代の彼は知らない。ロッテの後、大洋、そして太平洋クラブの兼任監督。「闘将、火と燃えて」を中学校１年生で読んだかな。
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昨日、ソフトバンクが南海とダイエーの「復刻」ユニフォームを阪神との交流戦で使用することが正式に発表された。「南海ホークス」はダイエーともソフトバンクとも違う。復刻など、やってほしくない。やるなら、南海ホークスのユニフォームはノムラさんの楽天との試合で使ってほしかった。*
… I invited [Deputy Prime Minister Dr] Mahathir [Mohamad] to Singapore in 1978. I expected him to succeed Hussein [Onn] as prime minister and wanted to put our old antagonism behind us. I knew he was a fierce and dogged fighter… I was not unwilling to clash with him when we were in Malaysia, but feuding between two sovereign countries was different. I initiated this dialogue to clear away the debris of the past.He was direct and asked what we were building the SAF (Singapore
Armed Forces) for. I replied equally directly that we feared that at some time or other there could be a random act of madness like cutting off our water supplies, which they had publicly threatened whenever there were differences between us… I said I believed that he would not do this, but we had to be prepared for all contingencies.
Mahathir was candid about his deep anti-Singapore feelings. He recounted how, as a medical student in Singapore, he had directed a Chinese taxi driver to the home of a lady friend, but had been taken to the servants’ quarters of this house. It was an insult he did not forget. Singapore Chinese, he said, looked down upon the Malays.
… [H]e said clearly that he accepted an independent Singapore and had no intention to undermine it. My reply was that on this basis we could build a relationship of trust and confidence. So long as we believed they wanted to do us in, we would always be distrustful, reading sinister motives into every ambiguous move.
… I believed I had satisfied him that I was not interested in outmanoeuvring him... It was as well I initiated this dialogue and developed a working relationship. Had we carried our old antagonisms into the future, both countries would have suffered.
As prime minister, he visited Singapore in December 1981. He advanced the time for peninsular Malaysia by half an hour so as to have one time zone for West and East Malaysia. I said Singapore would do likewise for the convenience of everyone. The put him in a good mood. He explained that he had had to educate his Malaysian officials to get them to reverse their opposition to Singapore Airlines flying to Penang… He had asked his ministers and officers to learn from Singapore. No other Malaysian prime minister or minister had ever publicly said they had anything to learn from Singapore…
日本市場の時間に合わせて変更したという説は？
I visited Mahathir in Kuala Lumpur the following year, in 1982…
The meeting was decidedly warmer than the last. Mahathir’s approach to Singapore was more pragmatic. At a press conference, I said there had been a meeting of minds, that we were on the same wavelength…
The thaw did not last long. Antipathy for and envy of Singapore always tempted Malay leaders to seek popularity with their Malay grass roots by hitting out Singapore… In January 1894 they imposed a RM100 levy on all goods vehicles leaving Malaysia for Singapore.
… [Japanese and American] MNCs had set up electronic assembly plants in Johor to have the products sent to Singapore for more complex operations. The RM100 levy was a signal that such a relocation was not favoured. .. Instead of cancelling the levy they increased it to RM200 to discourage the use of Singapore’s port.
In October that year Malaysia reduced its import duty on a variety of foodstuffs, mostly from China, provided they were imported direct from the country of origin into Malaysia. We told their finance minister, Daim Zainuddin, that their policy to exempt duty on goods imported via sea and airports but not via a land route, like the Causeway. It was clear that the measure was aimed against Singapore.
In 1986 our ministry of foreign affairs announced that Israeli President Chaim Herzog was to make a state visit that November on the invitation of our president. There was an outcry in Malaysia, with demonstration rallies and protests outside our high commission in Kuala Lumpur, inn their states and at the Causeway. They protested officially. Daim, who was close to Mahathir, told our commissioner that the visit was an insult to Malaysia and the Muslims. He said that although Mahathir had said in Parliament that they would not interfere in another country’s affairs, privately he was very unhappy... Mahathir recalled the Malaysian high commissioner in Singapore for the duration of President Herzog’s visit, saying that relations with Singapore were no longer as good, but that ties were far from tense.
In February 1987 my son Loong, then minister of trade and industry and second minister of defence, answered a question on Malays in the SAF at a constituency function. Our Malays were asking MPs why we did not have Malay national servicemen in sensitive key positions in the SAF like the air force or armoured units. The cabinet had decided to take the matter open. Loong said that in the event of a conflict, the SAF did not want any of its soldiers to be put in a difficult position where his loyalty to the nation might conflict with his emotions and his religion… The Malaysian media read this as implying that Malaysia was the enemy. An ending stream of critical articles ensued.
… [I]n October 1987, I met Mahathir at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Vancouver. He said that all the things he had wanted to do in cooperation with me had gone wrong. They started to go wrong with the Herzog visit, then came the issue of Malays in the SAF. In April 1987 two assault boats with four SAF personnel entered a small creek, Sungei Melayu, opposite Singapore – Malaysian territorial waters – by mistake for 20 minutes. Malaysia delivered a verbal protest [suspecting of spying]. I apologised for their mistake but pointed out that they could not have spying as they were in uniform. Mahathir said he could not come to Singapore to see me because the atmosphere had gone sour…
Before I stepped down as prime minister in 1990, I tried to clear the decks for my successor. Drug traffickers travelling on the Malaysian Railway from Johor Bahru to Singapore had been able to toss drugs out of train windows to accomplices waiting at prearranged points. I had therefore told Mahathir in 1989 that we intended to move our customs and immigration from Tanjong Pagar Station in the south to Woodlands at our end of the Causeway, to make checks at the point of entry… Malaysians would be unhappy because, under the law, the land would revert to Singapore when it was no longer being used for the railway. I therefore proposed to Mahathir that we should redevelop this railway land jointly... After several months of negotiations, we finally agreed that there would be joint development of three main parcels of land at Tanjong Pagar, Kranji and Woodlands. Malaysia’s share would be 60 per cent, Singapore’s 40 per cent. The Points of Agreement (POA) was signed on 27 November 1990, a day before I stepped down. As it turned out, I did not succeed in handing over my office to Goh Chok Tong with a clean slate. Three years after the agreement was signed, Daim wrote to me to say Mahathir thought it was unfair because it did not include a piece of land at Bukit Timah for joint development… It was a deal done between him and me, and it was difficult for Prime Minister Goh to have it reopened.
After 1990 I refrained from official dealings with all Asean governments, including Malaysia, so as not to cross lines with Prime Minister Goh. Unfortunately, for a hearing in chambers in a defamation suit in January 1987, I swore in an affidavit that Johor Bahru was “notorious for shootings, muggings and car-jackings’. This caused a furore in Malaysia when made public by the defendant who had absconded to Johor.
The Malaysian government angrily demanded a retraction and an apology. I apologised unreservedly. They were not satisfied and wanted my statement withdrawn from the court document. I saw no point in refusing. I was careless and put myself aside. In a signed statement, I repeated my unreserved apology and stated that I had instructed my lawyer to have “the offending words
removed from the record’. The Malaysian cabinet met and announced they had accepted my apology. We noticed, however, that they cut off all bilateral contacts and in effect froze ties. Mahathir also said that Singapore always made things difficult, as in the case of the dispute over railway dispute. … [A]s in the past [their protest] reached a crescendo in threats to cut off our water supplies.Despite my differences with him, I made more progress solving bilateral problems with Mahathir in the nine years he was prime minister, from 1981 to 1990, when I stepped down, than in the previous 12 years with Tun Razak and Hussein Onn as prime ministers.… (pp. 275-290) (Photo: March 19, 6:38 am)
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